A former Republican supported by MAGA donors, Breitbart operatives, and bankrolled by the right-wing LAPD union, Park has consistently sided with far-right forces over Los Angeles families.
Traci Park may have added a (D) next to her name before running for office, but her record and her donors tell a different story. She remained a registered Republican well into her 30s and voted for George W. Bush even after the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan. Park failed to earn the endorsement of the LA County Democratic Party or any local Democratic club, and when she claimed to have organized for Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign, former Obama field staff quickly called the claim false.
After her election, a new organization called the Blue Wave Democratic Club appeared, branding itself as a Democratic group but largely created to legitimize and defend Park’s record. The club did not exist during her campaign, was not chartered by the County Democratic Party, and has served primarily to provide political cover for a politician rejected by actual Democratic institutions.
Park’s campaigns are heavily financed by MAGA-aligned donors whose wealth and influence stretch from Brentwood boardrooms to national right-wing political circles. Her supporters include Carolyn Jordan, a corporate real estate attorney and Brentwood power broker who represents major landlords and chairs the Brentwood Community Council; Keith Abouaf, a longtime Republican donor tied to inflammatory anti-Arab rhetoric; and John Hering, a Musk-linked venture capitalist who reportedly gave $500,000 to a pro-Trump super PAC backed by Elon Musk allies.
Park also received support from Denny Schneider, chair of the Los Angeles County Republican Central Committee, as well as other donors connected to fossil fuel companies, the police foundation, and large real-estate developers.
Among her most influential advisors was Bill Simon, a former Republican gubernatorial candidate and longtime trustee of The Heritage Foundation, one of the most powerful conservative think tanks in the country. The Heritage Foundation celebrated the overturning of Roe v. Wade and has honored figures including Donald Trump and Andrew Breitbart.
Taken together, Park’s donors and advisors form a network of right-wing influence that uses its money and access in an attempt to bend Los Angeles politics toward right-wing policies. Their agendas consistently favor corporate landlords, oppose tenant protections, and empower wealthy interests at the expense of working Angelenos.
Beyond campaign finance, Park’s political circle includes individuals linked to the far-right media ecosystem. Her campaign paid at least $5,000 to Heidi Sigmund Cuda, a Breitbart contributor, for consulting work. Susie Breitbart, widow of Andrew Breitbart, worked alongside Park in efforts to block transitional housing in Venice. A senior editor at Breitbart, who once called Steve Bannon a “national hero” for helping elect Donald Trump, endorsed Park’s candidacy as “a crucial vote.”
These alliances illustrate how Park’s campaign operated within a network that merges conservative money, media, and ideology. Her connections to Breitbart figures and Heritage Foundation insiders show how she drew from the same pipeline of operatives that built modern right-wing power.
Park also won praise from right-wing business leaders such as Mark Ryavec, a “law and order” commentator who frequently appears on Fox News. One of her most vocal supporters, Stuart Waldman, president of the Valley Industry and Commerce Association (VICA), lobbied against hero pay for grocery workers during the COVID pandemic.
Alongside backing from VICA and other anti-labor business groups, Park received an endorsement from the California Restaurant Association, a lobbying organization that opposes raising the minimum wage, opposes the FAST Act, and routinely donates to Republican candidates across California.
Park’s ties to conservative politics extend into the corporate world, where her donors and supporters have fought against worker protections and environmental accountability. One of her biggest backers, Stuart Waldman, serves as president of the Valley Industry and Commerce Association, a business group that lobbied against hero pay for grocery workers during the COVID pandemic.
Park also received an endorsement from the California Restaurant Association, a powerful business lobby that opposes raising the minimum wage, seeks to roll back the FAST Act, and contributes heavily to Republican candidates across California.
Developers and real-estate interests are another key source of Park’s financial support. Steven and Stephanie Dahlberg, the wealthy owners of Paradise Cove in Malibu, contributed $3,514 to her campaign. Steven Dahlberg earned notoriety as the “polluter of Paradise Cove” after his company caused more than 2,000 gallons of raw sewage to spill into Malibu waters. His record of environmental negligence and his wealth from luxury coastal properties illustrate the kind of development interests that have rallied behind Park’s political ascent.
From corporate lobbyists to developers with environmental violations, Park’s financial and political support base is tied to those who profit from deregulation, low wages, and weakened oversight.
Before launching her own campaign for City Council, Park was a leading figure in the Recall Bonin movement. She worked closely with Mike McCauley, a far-right Republican operative from Utah known for bankrolling dark-money efforts across California. The recall campaign became a hub for conservative activists and business interests seeking to roll back progressive policies in Los Angeles.
Park also became a vocal supporter of disgraced former LA County Sheriff Alex Villanueva, appearing with Recall Bonin organizers at one of his campaign rallies. Villanueva’s tenure was marked by corruption, abuse scandals, and a close alliance with Trump-aligned law enforcement figures.
Park’s early backers also included UTLA Uncensored, a “parents’ rights” group aligned with Republicans promoting a right-wing education agenda. Her close involvement with these groups shows that her campaign was built not just on conservative funding but on coordination with far-right movements already active in Los Angeles politics.
Perhaps no group invested more in Traci Park’s rise than the Los Angeles Police Protective League and its allies. These organizations already consume more than half of the city’s annual budget and took in over half of the city’s federal American Rescue Plan funds.
Even as police killings in Los Angeles rose by 160 percent, Park called for increasing LAPD funding. The Police Protective League poured more than $1 million into her campaign—more than any other City Council race. The union has fought to block transparency measures, including public access to body camera footage, and has repeatedly defended officers involved in shootings.
Its president, Jamie McBride, has been tied to extremist rhetoric and has shot six people while on duty. His daughters, LAPD officers Jacqueline and Toni McBride, have both been involved in fatal shootings—Jacqueline killed an unhoused woman in 2023, and Toni killed Daniel Hernandez in 2020.
